Both Islamist radicals and BNP wanted Hasina ousted because she had vowed to bring war criminals to book

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The failed civil war!

Brigadier (Retd) Mohammad Abdul Hafiz, former DG of Bangladesh Institute of International and Strategic Studies, told TSI: “It's a mystery that a tragedy of such tectonic magnitude could come to pass the state unobserved by the concerned agencies, which are sizable in number. Seeing the magnitude, meticulousness and brutality of the manoeuvre, the trepidation is natural."

The BDR was set up soon after Independence (1972) as a secular force, under the command of Major General Chittaranjan Dutta. But fundamentalists infiltrated it during the BNP-Jamaat tenure. It was, till the mutiny, the handmaid of the Islamist organisations like Jamaat. Now, Army spokesperson Sina Ibne Jamali says, BDR will be reorganised and rechristened. But the mutiny has surprised even retired officers. Said Brig Gen Shamsuddin Ahmed, former military secretary to the President of Bangladesh: "While on deputation with BDR, not once did I feel they were different from the Army; in fact, they seemed more disciplined and loyal."

Even before the mutiny, police had arrested hundreds of Jamaat activists after busting another nation-wide serial blast conspiracy, in the process nabbing Jamaat leader Amir Matiur Rehaman Nijam, former industry minister of Khaleda government, who had helped to smuggle out 10 truck-loads of arms and explosives, meant for extremist groups in northeast India. All these had made the Jamaat and the terrorist groups desperate to try and topple the government.

“This is not the first time that BDR created such a problem; rather whenever Awami League came to power, these elements in BDR plotted a mutiny or coup,” said Shahriar Kabir, noted columnist and human rights activist. Now, it seems that the radical force will be tamed, if Hasina survives an assassination attempt, which cannot be ruled out. Last time she had been in power, an assassination had been plotted, and only timely tip off from an Indian scribe had helped her avert it.


Chandrashekhar Bhattacharjee


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Red Fading away

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The days of the West Bengal CPI (M) are numbered, writes Chandrasekhar Bhattacharjee

In the last Lok Sabha elections the communists were left with just 24 seats – down from their previous tally of 61. In West Bengal – once the Red Citadel – the CPI (M)’s share of MPs dropped vertically, from 27 to nine. It lagged behind the Trinamool Congress and Congress in over 200 of the 294 assembly segments. Indeed the outlook is so bleak that in the 13th West Bengal Legislative Assembly polls in 2011, even the CPI (M)’s friends expect the once impregnable fortress to collapse as the Berlin Wall did in 1989!

Yes, the party seems pretty nearly over. The CPI (M) is tottering everywhere – far beyond the Bengal-Bihar-Orissa borders: a fact that went uncommented till the 15th LS polls. And now we need no comment. It’s staring us right in our faces. In Khejuri (East Midnapore district) – ever since the people’s revolt started on June 8 – unauthorised arms are being recovered almost every day.

The CPI (M) had once called Khejuri – till the mid twentieth century a stronghold of the Gandhians – Bengal’s Leningrad. Former Union minister and freedom fighter Abha Maiti hailed from this block. But post the 1990s the place came to be referred as the communists’ ‘Liberated Zone’, leaving space for no other political party. Indeed, even LF allies were not allowed to function there.

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He’s come a long way

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When Lucknow-based Anurag Tiwari scored 48 per cent in class 12, snide remarks and unsolicited advice came pouring in. Tiwari himself flitted between tears and tension, wondering why he couldn't match his 55 per cent from high school. His father, a cashier in UP’s state transport corporation, had no money to pay for an engineering seat. Tiwari was forced to do an arts course. “I was told I would get nowhere in life,” he recalls. Yet he signed up for a one-year computer programming diploma. Initially, the course proved a nightmare. His Hindi language background preventing him from understanding the lessons. “I read English newspapers, pored through grammar texts and practiced speaking in front of the mirror,” he says. Tiwari then shifted to Delhi and moved through several ill-paid jobs.

“The lack of marks did not hold me back. If you have experience and skill, all barriers fall through”, says the 30-year-old who, as Infrastructure Leader at the Indian arm of Steria Limited, one of the world’s technology and business outsourcing leaders, steers a team of 20 across the company’s locations in India.

Today he zips across foreign locations for projects. “People have a right to comment on your lack of success. Though the remarks hurt, take them as spurs," says the cricket buff.

Puja Awasthi


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But the list of tainted MPs has gone up, reports Rajan Prakash

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Both Uttar Pradesh and Bihar – that have been traditional hunting grounds for baahubalis – are now experiencing a gradual change of heart. The Ansari brothers, Mukhtar and Afzal, who once held most of eastern UP to ransom, have suffered crushing defeats. Mukhtar was defeated by BJP’s Murli Manohar Joshi in Varanasi and Afzal by SP candidate Radha Mohan Singh in Ghazipur. BSP candidate Unnao Arun Shankar Shukla alias Anna Shukla, accused by even Mayawati in the June 2, 1995 Lucknow guest house case, lost to political novice Annu Tandon. And Akshay Pratap Singh, the Samajwadi Party candidate from Pratapgarh, who is the uncle of baahubali Raghuraj Pratap Singh alias Raja Bhaiyya, was likewise drubbed.

Good won over evil in Faizabad as well; the voters there had no trouble picking clean Congressman Nirmal Khatri over Mitrasen Yadav who is accused of nearly a dozen heinous crimes. Western UP’s D. P. Yadav was chosen by Mayawati to counter arch rival SP. But this time it didn’t help to pit baahubali against baahubali, and DP lost to Dharmendra Yadav from Badaun. Voters in Sravasti too took no time to tell BSP’s Rizwan Zaheer what they thought of a contestant accused of human trafficking.

As we said, only some of the baahubalis have been overcome. Their overall number has actually risen. In the 15th Lok Sabha, for instance, Dhananjay Singh (BSP candidate from Jaunpur) will share space with the others.

Dhananjay, whose criminal career took off during his student days, has been accused of murdering doctors, lawyers, teachers and policemen. (In this election the body of the Justice Party candidate contesting against him was found hanging from a tree, and the general feeling is that he had to have a hand in it.) But that did not affect his chances. In Kaisarganj constituency too, his baahubali reputation helped Brijbhushan SP’s Sharan Singh. Singh is a four-term MP! The brother of dacoit Dadua too had no trouble grabbing the Mirzapur seat. The sons of Harishankar Tiwari alias Baba were in the fray in eastern UP, where the elder one turned lucky in the Kabirnagar constituency.

Good enough, what? With bare bhaiyya rubbing shoulders with the mighty in Parliament, it should be relatively easy work for the younger to carry on with the unfinished work!

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The Indian Army has evolved its own unique style of waging low intensity conflicts

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Insurgency - Terrorism neutralised

This way, it has been able to tire out and exhaust the terrorists or insurgents as also the populations involved. Once the people are convinced of the futility of violence they usually force the insurgents to come over ground, surrender or join the mainstream.

The people are the centre of gravity of the army operations. It puts in major efforts to win their hearts and minds by humane and people-friendly operations and by undertaking extensive civic action by building roads, schools, hospitals and orphanages in the concerned area and helping locals to earn a decent livelihood. To win over the people the Army has launched major civic actions like Op Sadbhavna in Jammu and Kashmir and Op Good Samaritan in the North East.

The Army has waged concerted Psy ops to counter insurgent and terrorist propaganda and to wean the people away from their influence by highlighting their atrocities and depredations. Unlike the armed forces of America, Russia, China and Pakistan which freely use jet fighters, bombers, tanks and artillery for such operations, the Indian Army has exercised tremendous restraint and only used infantry/Rashtriya Rifles with small arms.

Surprisingly one hears little of human rights violations by the US, Russian or Pakistani armies. These are mostly focused on the Indian Army and are mostly designed to slow down or disrupt its operations. Over 92% of these accusations have been found to be false and motivated. Yet the army has pacified one tribal insurgency after another in the north east and broken the back of motivated terrorist movements in the Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir.

The key lies in addressing the underlying causes and grievances that make men rebel. Foreign aided terrorists however are an entirely different set of targets that must either be eliminated or driven out.


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Some of the suggested reforms should be – no restrictions on FDI in captive mining and allowing mining by private players on a non-captive basis.

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Finally, with the UPA government sans the Left in power, it’s time to deliver. The foremost initiative to be taken is to work in conjunction with all stakeholders like prospective coal mining firms, power companies, unions, transport firms and power equipment makers to set up an independent regulatory body for the Coal industry, which will take care of setting up licensing, pricing, emission and other production standards; apart from monitoring the working of the entire coal industry. In a recent report by The Expert Committee on Coal Sector Reforms, the need for setting up a Coal Governance and Regulation Authority (CGRA) on the lines of UK institutions for gas and electricity and the US National Coal Council has been highlighted. Secondly, the only way to boost production rapidly is to license new mining blocks to private players, for which a licensing policy on the lines of New Exploration and Licensing Policy in the oil and gas sector must be established.

In order to exploit the colossal potential of this resource, the way ahead is to simultaneously launch mining projects across the length and breadth of country under the purview of the regulator. According to Girish Solanki, coal analyst with Angel Trade, “Some of the suggested reforms should be – no restrictions on FDI in captive mining and allowing mining by private players on a non-captive basis.” A ray of hope is being seen in recent media reports that the government is showing enthusiasm for increasing the private stake in Coal India by allowing it to take the capital market route. Also, the proposal on privatising the sector is being considered seriously.


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Opposition flays government’s RTI exclusion plans

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You can ask. they won't tell!

The state government order seeks to draw strength from subsection 4 of Section 24 of the RTI, which actually limits itself to “intelligence and security organisations… established by the Central Government or any information furnished by such organisations to that Government”. Yet announcing the amendment to the notification, cabinet secretary Shahshank Shekhar Singh insisted that the government was not tampering with the spirit of the Act. Senior BJP leader Hriday Narayan Dixit says, “The state government's move suggests that it has no faith in democracy and hence is trying to conceal information from the public.”

SR Darapuri, retired IPS officer and social activist, points out that government’s intentions are suspect. “One month ago it surreptitiously put the civil aviation department out of the Act, and now this list of five. We will petition the HC”, he says.

On June 15, a demonstration in Lucknow and 25 other district headquarters marked the start of protests that activists hope will spread through the state.

UP’s track record with the RTI has been less than impressive. In February this year, the move to install state chief information commissioner, retired bureaucrat Ram Kumar, who during his tenure had been accused of violating section 20 of the RTI, was dropped after rights bodies opposed it. The six-chapter, 31-section RTI Act, which was passed in 2005, has under Section 8 put nine kinds of information which the government is not obliged to provide to its citizens.


Puja Awasthi


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